Darussalam Assets’ Billion-Dollar Capital Cut: Cleaning the Books or Cracks in Governance?

💸 B$1.24 Billion Cancelled.
But was it money lost — or numbers that were never there in the first place?

Darussalam Assets has petitioned the High Court to cancel shares described as “lost or unrepresented.” The legal notice was buried in the classifieds — but it has triggered confusion, anger, and suspicion among Bruneians online.

In this KopiTalk with MHO piece, I unpack what “ghost shares” really mean, why this move matters for Brunei’s governance, and why silence only deepens public mistrust.

👉 Read the full story: Darussalam Assets’ Billion-Dollar Capital Cut: Cleaning the Books or Cracks in Governance?

 

By Malai Hassan Othman | KopiTalk with MHO

Darussalam Assets Sdn Bhd, Brunei’s flagship holding company overseeing more than 30 government-linked entities, has asked the High Court to cancel B$1.243 billion worth of ordinary shares. The hearing is set for 27 September 2025, and the petition seeks court confirmation of a special resolution passed in 2023 to reduce the company’s issued share capital.

While some folks initially thought this move signalled a winding-up or dissolution, it’s actually about a capital restructuring exercise. The cancelled amount refers to shares that are “lost or unrepresented” — entries in the register without real assets to back them.

What Does “Lost or Unrepresented” Mean?

In corporate law, these shares are often called “ghost entries.” They can come from:

• Shares issued but never paid for or taken up,

• Transfers within government arms that weren't reconciled, or

• Capital inflated on paper without real assets.

For Darussalam Assets, this means its balance sheet overstated the true value of its capital. By cancelling the unrepresented shares, the company admits they were never there in realisable form.

Simply put: no new money has been lost today. The company is just cleaning up the books. But the fact that such a huge mismatch lasted for years raises some uncomfortable questions.

Voices from the Ground

While the legal notices described the move in dry financial terms, the public had a different take. On Reddit’s r/nasikatok forum, reactions ranged from confusion to anger.

One commenter put it simply: “It’s like a restaurant menu listing 201 burgers when the kitchen can only cook 65. The missing burgers never existed — they were just written on the menu.”

Others were more scathing: “You put in B$2 billion, you lost B$1.3 billion. No accountability, no transparency, just papering over the cracks.”

Many connected the billion-dollar figure to everyday struggles: “That money alone could fix so many problems the country is facing right now — from youth unemployment to basic services.”

The notices themselves appeared in the Notification/Advertisement column of the Borneo Bulletin, as per standard legal practice. But without any explanatory reporting, many readers were left scratching their heads — and in that void, public speculation and mistrust grew.

This shows the danger of silence. Without clear explanations, suspicion becomes the default narrative.

Implications for Competency and Integrity

Darussalam Assets was created to bring together Brunei’s state-linked companies, enforcing professional discipline and corporate governance in managing national assets. Yet the need to erase over a billion dollars in “ghost capital” raises some serious concerns:

• Weak accounting systems: how could such an overstatement survive years of reporting?

• Gaps in governance: why did it take two years after the 2023 resolution to seek court approval?

• Erosion of integrity: overstated capital undermines trust in the company’s role as a steward of national wealth.

The clean-up itself is a step toward transparency, but the delay highlights a culture of silence rather than proactive accountability.

This is exactly the kind of weakness international observers have warned about.

The IMF’s 2024 Article IV Consultation cautioned Brunei to improve fiscal risk management, strengthen oversight of state-owned enterprises, and boost transparency in public finances. The Darussalam Assets case seems to illustrate these concerns in action.

Investor Confidence at Stake

Even though Darussalam Assets isn’t publicly listed, it manages subsidiaries in key sectors like energy, telecommunications, agribusiness, and healthcare.

• Foreign investors might now wonder: if shares worth over a billion dollars can sit on the books without backing, what else could be hidden in Brunei’s state-linked ecosystem?

• Local partners might question whether joint ventures with subsidiaries have the financial discipline they expect.

Brunei has long promoted itself as a safe, stable investment destination. This incident risks tarnishing that image unless it’s followed by clear reforms and public communication.

Domestic signals matter too. In March 2025, Brunei’s Legislative Council raised more than 400 issues in its annual session — many tied to economic management and public trust. Such discussions reflect growing expectations that state assets be managed transparently and with integrity.

Governance Lessons

In democratic nations, such revelations usually lead to parliamentary scrutiny and ministerial accountability. Boards, auditors, and senior executives are expected to step up, explain, and — if needed — resign.

In Brunei, without open parliamentary oversight, there's a risk that this matter is treated as a technical exercise and quietly filed away. Yet for Brunei’s journey toward Wawasan 2035, the deeper lesson is crucial:

• Who in Darussalam Assets or the Ministry of Finance should take responsibility for this mismatch?

• Why wasn’t the issue caught earlier by audits or internal reviews?

• What safeguards will ensure other state-linked entities aren’t carrying similar “ghost capital”?

The international evidence is clear: state-owned enterprises under weak governance perform worse and cost taxpayers more. An IMF working paper on SOEs found that lax accounting and oversight often lead to inefficiency, corruption, and erosion of public trust.

A Call for Accountability

This isn’t just about cancelled shares. It’s about public trust. Bruneians deserve to know how their national assets are managed. Investors will also be watching closely for signs that governance is tightening, not loosening.

The cancelled shares were held under the Minister of Finance Corporation, an institutional shareholder acting on behalf of the State. 

While it’s a corporate entity, its role within the government creates a perception gap: without clear explanations, the difference between institutional oversight and leadership accountability can easily blur in the public eye.

This is why transparent communication is key. By explaining how these mismatches happened and how safeguards will prevent a repeat, the State can show it’s serious about integrity and accountability in managing public wealth.

The billion-dollar question isn’t whether the shares have been cancelled — they have. It’s whether systemic accountability will follow.

In other countries, boards, ministers, or corporate executives would be expected to step up, take responsibility, and reassure both citizens and investors. In Brunei, the entries may be erased on paper, but the stain on credibility will remain unless institutions clearly own the responsibility. (MHO/09/2025)

 

 

Wawasan 2035 dan Tekanan Generasi Muda: Iktibar Dari Paris, Jakarta dan Kathmandu

Api yang menyala di jalanan Paris, jeritan mahasiswa di Jakarta, dan gegaran rakyat di Kathmandu - semuanya lahir daripada akar yang sama: harapan yang melangit, tetapi kenyataan yang mengecewakan. Dunia sedang memberi kita cermin. Apabila janji tidak ditepati, apabila jurang kekayaan melebar, apabila anak muda merasakan pintu masa depan tertutup, maka kesabaran akan bertukar menjadi gelombang.

Brunei masih aman. Namun aman bukan warisan yang kekal, ia adalah amanah. Amanah ini hanya subur jika dipupuk dengan keadilan dan peluang yang nyata. Kita telah meletakkan Wawasan 2035 sebagai mercu cita-cita negara. Ia menjanjikan masyarakat berpendidikan, berkemahiran tinggi dan makmur. Tetapi persoalannya: adakah cita-cita ini sedang menjadi kenyataan, atau hanya gema slogan yang semakin pudar nadinya?

Image concept by KopiTalk with MHO, generated using AI tools

Tekanan di Bumi Sendiri

Kita tidak boleh menutup mata. Pengangguran dan ‘underemployment’ dalam kalangan graduan masih menghantui keluarga. Mereka menghantar puluhan permohonan kerja, namun pintu rezeki seolah tidak terbuka.

Pemberhentian pekerja dalam industri minyak dan gas telah menggoncang keyakinan terhadap tonggak utama ekonomi kita. Generasi sandwic pula menanggung beban - pesara dengan pencen kecil menyara anak yang menganggur dan cucu yang masih bersekolah. Jurang antara yang kaya dan miskin semakin jelas, dari rumah mewah dan kereta mewah di satu sisi, keupayaan makan cukup sebulan di sisi lain.

Di tengah-tengahnya, negara terus berdepan defisit belanjawan dan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang perlahan. Sementara itu, kelemahan sistem penyampaian - kerenah birokrasi, sikap “Little Napoleons” - terus mengikis keyakinan rakyat. Malah, modal bocor apabila pembelian rentas sempadan mengalirkan jutaan ringgit keluar setiap bulan, sedang peniaga kecil tempatan menunggu pelanggan yang tidak kunjung tiba.

 

Iktibar Dari Luar, Renungan Untuk Kita

Pengajaran dari Paris, Jakarta dan Kathmandu jelas: bila harapan anak muda diabaikan, percikan kecil mampu menyalakan api besar. Kerajaan yang hanya bertindak selepas jalan raya bergelora telah pun kehilangan masa yang berharga.

Brunei punya kelebihan: kestabilan yang nyata. Tetapi kestabilan tidak abadi. Ia mesti diperbaharui dengan tindakan yang berani dan bijaksana. Di sinilah NDP menegaskan - pembaharuan mesti berlaku dalam tiga medan utama:

1. Pemerintahan berintegriti - pengukuhan Biro Mencegah Rasuah, meritokrasi mengatasi kronisme, dan hukuman jelas terhadap salah guna kuasa.
   
   
2. Penyertaan rakyat - ruang sebenar untuk suara belia, masyarakat sivil dan komuniti memberi input kepada dasar.
   
   
3. Digitalisasi kerajaan - memecah benteng birokrasi, melicinkan perkhidmatan, dan menjadikan kerajaan rakan kepada rakyat, bukan penghalang.

Jalan Ke Depan

Haluan kita bukan ketakutan, tetapi pembaharuan yang membina. Kita mesti membuka laluan pekerjaan yang nyata - melalui perusahaan kecil, peluang latihan, dan industri baharu di luar minyak dan gas. Jurang sosial mesti dirapatkan - bukan hanya dengan bantuan, tetapi dengan akses saksama kepada peluang mobiliti sosial.

Para pemimpin dan elit mesti kembali rapat dengan denyut nadi rakyat: lebih banyak mendengar daripada bersuara, lebih banyak bertindak daripada berjanji.

Penutup

Di seluruh dunia, anak muda sedang menulis sejarah - ada yang di jalanan, ada yang di makmal inovasi, ada yang di bilik darjah. Di Brunei, pilihan di tangan kita: sama ada tenaga anak muda disalurkan untuk membina, atau dibiarkan membara untuk meruntuh.

Wawasan 2035 tidak boleh hanya menjadi slogan di podium; ia mesti bernafas dalam kehidupan rakyat.

Kestabilan bukan hadiah, ia adalah amanah yang mesti diperbaharui. Uprising di luar negara bukanlah ramalan untuk Brunei, tetapi peringatan: harmoni hanya seteguh harapan yang kita tawarkan kepada generasi muda.

Akhirnya, ukuran sebenar kejayaan kita bukan pada ucapan atau skor, tetapi pada satu pengakuan ikhlas daripada anak muda Brunei:

“Negara ini memberi aku masa depan yang boleh dipecayai dan meyakinkan.” (MHO/09/2025)

 

“Keeping Wawasan 2035 Alive: What Brunei Must Learn from Youth Uprisings Abroad”

The clock is ticking. Wawasan 2035 is not just a vision — it’s a promise. But are we turning that promise into reality, or letting grains of hope slip away?

Image concept by KopiTalk with MHO, generated using AI tools

By Malai Hassan Othman | KopiTalk with MHO

It all started with blocked highways in France, burning streets in Jakarta, and lawmakers being stormed in Kathmandu. Each event was different, but the message was clear: when young people feel excluded and let down by broken promises, their patience runs out, and they take to the streets. These global protests — caused by budget cuts, lawmakers' perks, or censorship — remind us that youth power can be a force to be reckoned with, and ignoring it can cause problems. 

In France, the call to “block everything” came as austerity measures clashed with rising living costs. In Indonesia, a motorbike driver's death caused by a police vehicle fuelled anger over lawmakers' allowances, leading to violent riots. In Nepal, the sudden social media ban by the government sparked a youth uprising that resulted in the Prime Minister's resignation. Across these places, it was the youth — connected online, aware of global issues, and fed up with corruption and inequality — who led the way.

For Brunei, these stories aren’t just warnings; they’re reminders. Our nation is banking on Wawasan 2035 — a vision for a well-educated, skilled, and prosperous society. Expectations are high, especially among graduates who see themselves as key players in a diverse economy. But as I’ve mentioned before, through the J-Curve theory, when expectations outpace reality, frustration takes root, and that’s where things can go wrong.

Brunei faces its own share of challenges. Graduate unemployment and underemployment are real issues, with many young people endlessly applying for jobs that just aren’t there or settling for roles that don’t utilise their skills. Job cuts in the oil and gas sector have shaken our confidence in what was once rock-solid — our economic backbone. Families are feeling the pressure of the “sandwich generation,” where retirees on tight pensions are supporting both adult kids and grandkids. The growing gap between the rich and the poor is obvious, from luxury lifestyles to underpaid contract workers. On top of that, we’re dealing with a budget deficit and slow economic growth, raising questions about whether Brunei can fund its long-term goals without urgent change. Public frustrations over the delivery system— with inefficiencies, delays, and the burden of “Little Napoleons” — are slowly eroding trust in our government. Retailers are also struggling with capital leakage, as cross-border shopping drains millions that could have been spent locally — one reason growth feels sluggish for small businesses.

The takeaways from Paris, Jakarta, and Kathmandu are clear. When the hopes of youth are ignored, small frustrations can turn into big protests. Governments that wait for protests to act have already fallen behind. Brunei’s advantage is in being proactive: we have stability, but that stability needs to be refreshed continuously, especially by addressing youth concerns before they become disillusioned.

Good governance is just as important as growth. Building trust means showing real integrity — a stronger Anti-Corruption Bureau with consequences for wrongdoing. It means true public participation beyond just appearances, and digital government channels that let citizens help shape policy. Prioritising merit over connections and transparency over secrecy — these quieter reforms can turn slogans into real change.

The way forward isn’t about fear, but about constructive renewal. We need to open up platforms for dialogue so youth voices are genuinely heard and not just in token gestures. Job creation should shift from mere slogans to tangible actions — creating real pathways through SMEs, internships, and new industries beyond oil and gas. We need to tackle inequality not just with welfare handouts, but by ensuring fair access to opportunities and upward mobility. Above all, leaders and elites need to stay grounded, listening as much as they speak.

All around the world, young people are shaping their nations’ futures — sometimes through protests, sometimes through innovation. In Brunei, it’s our choice: to channel youth energy into building, not breaking; to make Wawasan 2035 a real experience, not just a fading slogan.

Stability isn’t something we can take for granted; it’s a trust that we need to continually renew. The uprisings abroad aren’t warnings for Brunei, but reminders that harmony is only as strong as the hope we offer our youth. If Vision 2035 is to last, it can’t just be a promise on paper; it must be a promise kept in the daily lives of our people.

In the end, the real measure of Wawasan 2035 won’t be found in speeches or scorecards — it’ll be whether every young Bruneian can say: “This nation gave me a future worth believing in.” (MHO/09/2025)

 

Brunei’s Arctic Oil Moment

🚢 Not Brunei’s first Russian oil—but Hengyi’s first via the Arctic route. A corporate move for refinery supply, yet one with global political ripples.

Brunei has bought Russian crude before, but this latest shipment is a game-changer - it took the Arctic’s Northern Sea Route, which Moscow is promoting as a Suez alternative. For our small sultanate, this tanker’s arrival is a significant moment in international politics.

It’s important to note: Hengyi Industries, which runs the Pulau Muara Besar refinery, made this call, not the government. Hengyi, part of a joint venture with Brunei Investment Agency and China’s Zhejiang Hengyi Group, decides on feedstock and shipping routes. The government reaps the benefits through jobs and revenues, but isn’t involved in the tanker’s journey.

The economics are straightforward. Shorter routes mean quicker deliveries and cheaper oil. For a large refinery like Pulau Muara Besar, having diverse supply sources is key. So, going for Arctic oil makes sense from a business standpoint.

However, the perception risks are real. The vessel is linked to a sanctioned owner, and the Arctic route is politically sensitive. Allies in Washington or Brussels won’t overlook this, even if Brunei claims it’s a corporate choice, not a political one.

At home, the situation feels different. Reliable refinery supply, steady jobs, and lower costs exist alongside our net-zero commitments. How do we align the image of a “green Brunei” with oil transported through the fragile Arctic?

Clarity is crucial here. Brunei needs to position this as commercial pragmatism, not political alignment. It’s about energy security, not ideology. Sometimes geopolitics shows up not with soldiers but with a ship quietly docking in Muara.

And remember - these are Hengyi’s business decisions, not government policy. I’m just here, sipping coffee, thinking about how this all looks to the world.

— KopiTalk with MHO

Bullying Has No Place Here: Sultan’s Warning as Brunei Counts the Toll on Its Youth

“Is your child really safe in school? 447 bullying cases were recorded in Brunei last year. His Majesty says bullying has no place in our culture — but are we doing enough?”

KopiTalk with MHO

By Malai Hassan Othman

His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaullah, the Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Negara Brunei Darussalam, recently made it clear in his Titah Maulidul Rasul 2025 that bullying and bad behaviour among young people have no place in Brunei. 

The monarch emphasised that this kind of behaviour doesn't fit our culture and called for better monitoring in schools, reminding everyone that the values of kindness, justice, and responsibility, as taught by the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), should guide how we raise the next generation.

The Sultan's message comes as Brunei deals with the ongoing issue of bullying in schools. 

According to Education Minister Datin Seri Setia Dr. Hajah Romaizah binti Haji Mohd Salleh, there were 447 reported cases of bullying in 2024, down from 734 in 2023. The Minister shared with the Legislative Council that out of the 2024 cases, 292 involved boys and 155 involved girls. She also mentioned that seven cases were reported at higher education institutions between 2022 and 2024. While it’s good to see some improvement, these numbers are still concerning because each case represents a child suffering from peer cruelty.

In response, the Ministry has rolled out new tools and stricter rules. Notification Letter No. 2/2025 now lays out how schools should handle bullying, gang behaviour, and drugs. 

Disciplinary actions can range from suspensions of five to ten days, parental counselling, and community service, with ongoing monitoring. Programs like the BEST (Bantu, Empati, Sayangi, Tanggungjawab) campaign are now regular features, and the G.I.N.I.S. program, which was introduced in 31 secondary schools and involved nearly 4,000 students in 2024, offers more intensive help. Evaluations show positive results, with many participants feeling that the program helps reduce negative influences.

However, these stats point to deeper issues. The Minister noted that many bullying cases come from kids who have been exposed to aggressive behaviour at home, poor discipline, lack of religious values, or peer groups that normalise cruelty. These root causes remind us that schools are just one part of the bigger picture, and families and communities need to be involved in finding solutions.

Events outside of Brunei highlight the seriousness of this issue. In July 2025, 13-year-old Zara Qairina Mahathir from Sabah died after an incident believed to be linked to bullying, sparking national outrage in Malaysia with thousands demanding justice. Although this tragedy wasn’t mentioned in Brunei’s Parliament or His Majesty’s titah, it serves as a stark reminder of the consequences of unchecked bullying.

It’s not just isolated incidents that matter. The Global School-Based Student Health Survey (2019) found that nearly 24 per cent of Bruneian students aged 13 to 17 reported being bullied at least once in the past month, up from 21 per cent in 2014. This survey highlights what many parents already suspect: bullying is common and often goes unreported.

The timeline is revealing. In July, a tragedy in Sabah brought the dangers to light. In August, Brunei’s Legislative Council discussed changes to the Child and Young Persons Act (Cap. 219), with Yang Berhormat Dayang Hajah Safiah binti Sheikh Haji Abd. Salam is advocating for reforms to address physical bullying as well as digital exploitation and psychological abuse. 

The Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports confirmed that efforts are being made to strengthen the Act and enhance the National Framework on Child Protection (NFCP), supported by protocols for early detection, consistent reporting, and a review of the Child Online Protection Framework from 2013. In September, His Majesty set a cultural and moral boundary, stating that bullying is something Brunei must never accept.

The concern is now fully acknowledged. But parents are still asking important questions: How soon will the changes to Cap. 219 happen? Do schools have enough counsellors and the ability to intervene effectively? And most importantly, will children be heard before it’s too late?

The Sultan has spoken clearly. Parliament is aware of the issue. The government has promised reforms. Now it’s up to the entire nation - families, schools, communities, and institutions - to turn these commitments into real protections. The youth aren’t just students; they are Brunei’s future. Protecting them from bullying isn’t optional anymore; it’s a must. (MHO/09/2025)

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Can Brunei Localise Its English Classrooms Without Breaking Them?

“LegCo praises progress. Parents whisper in panic. Nearly 200 CfBT teachers still hold up our English classrooms - but what happens when they’re gone? Will Vision 2035 stumble on words our children cannot read?”

By Malai Hassan Othman | KopiTalk with MHO

Bandar Seri Begawan — In the corridors of Parliament, Datin Seri Setia Dr. Romaizah, the Minister of Education, spoke of progress: better-trained teachers, rising appraisal scores, and new pathways through SHBIE. 

On paper, the system is advancing. Yet, in the coffee shops of Gadong, at tuition centres, and in the WhatsApp groups of anxious parents, a different question is being asked: What happens when the CfBT teachers leave?

A confident front, but no timeline in sight

Inside the chamber, the mood was calm. The Minister listed the achievements: the number of teachers rated grade 4 and above has doubled in four years, English literacy is on the rise, and recruitment through Immersion and SHBIE’s Master of Teaching has improved. Parliament nodded.

What was missing was simple: a timeline, a plan, a guarantee. Nearly 200 international English teachers remain. Their departure is certain. The timeline is not.

“2027 will be hell”

Beyond the chamber walls, the tone sharpens. Parents murmur that without a year of shadowing in 2026, classrooms could collapse the following year. One father stated plainly over his teh tarik: “2027 will be hell.”

Teachers share similar concerns. They know that hiring one CfBT teacher costs as much as two or three local teachers. Yet those teachers often anchor entire English departments, train younger staff, and guide students through UK-aligned exams. Cutting their positions saves money, but it may also jeopardise an entire generation of students.

By the Numbers: English in Brunei

Figures speak as loudly as fears. In the 2022 PISA survey, only 58% of 15-year-olds in Brunei reached basic reading proficiency. The OECD average is 74%. Just 2% were top performers - compared to 7% elsewhere. Brunei’s reading score was 429, a step up from 408 in 2018, but still below the world average of 437.

The Ministry’s own survey painted the same picture. In 2022, only 32% of Year 1 to Year 11 students met the English KPI, against a target of 80%. Literacy checks in 2020 showed fewer than half of Year 1 and barely half of Year 3 pupils met minimum standards.

Primary school results climbed to 76% A–C passes in 2021, then fell to 61.1% in 2022. By 2024, they recovered slightly to about 64.5%. At the secondary level, only 41% managed five O-Level credits in 2023. Two-thirds scraped through with three A-Level passes. Progress, yes. But fragile.

When Parliament echoes public concerns

It isn’t only parents who speak of cracks in the system. In a recent sitting, Yang Berhormat Haji Salleh Bostaman asked: “Apakah erti pencapaian akademik jika 1000 ke 1500 pelajar setiap tahun keluar persekolahan masih belum mampu membaca dan mengira dengan baik?” The chamber stirred.

The Minister of Education pushed back firmly, stating that the claim was misleading. Official surveys showed only a few dozen students fell into that category, not over a thousand. She cited the Student Learning Survey 2025: 94% of Year 9 students had literacy proficiency at Band 5 or above, while only 195 Year 1 pupils (5%) were in Band 1. 

She also pointed to O-Level results, where 93% of students without credits still passed some subjects, indicating basic literacy and numeracy. She asked him to withdraw the remark. He eventually did.

That exchange revealed something important. The public’s fear of children leaving school without literacy or numeracy is significant enough to surface in Parliament. Yet the government insists the numbers tell a different story. Between perception and policy lies the tension that makes this debate so contentious.

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Between pride and pragmatism

The localisation drive carries a patriotic appeal. “Why should we depend on outsiders?” asked one young teacher. The critique of “native-speakerism” is gaining traction. The argument: competence is not stamped on a passport.

Yet parents of exam-year children think otherwise. Their voices are quiet but firm. They don’t demand CfBT forever, but they do want balance — international teachers in the mix until locals are truly ready. “My son’s English paper is Cambridge-marked,” one mother said. “He can’t afford experiments.”

What’s at stake

This is not just a bureaucratic shuffle. For parents, it’s their children’s grades. For graduates, it’s the promise of jobs — provided training keeps pace. For the nation, English is more than a subject. It is the working language of trade, diplomacy, and higher education. Without it, Wawasan 2035 becomes a hollow phrase.

The choice looms: rush localisation and risk failure, keep CfBT unchanged and face criticism, or hold to a middle path — maintain a core of international teachers for exam years and mentoring while scaling up local training.

Still no roadmap

For now, Brunei has blueprints, slogans, and speeches. What it lacks is a roadmap with timelines and targets. Without it, rumours of “defunding in 12 months” will spread, confidence will wane, and the stakes will rise.

Education reflects a nation’s commitment to its future. Handle this transition with care, and Brunei can demonstrate it can reform without sacrificing standards. Mishandle it, and the classrooms of today may become the cautionary tale of tomorrow.

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KopiTalk Takeaway:

The CfBT debate is more than numbers on a payroll. It is a test of whether Brunei can manage change wisely — protecting children in today’s classrooms while building a teaching force for tomorrow. (MHO/09/2025)

 

Brunei Isn’t Broke — It’s Stuck

📉 Brunei’s Great Exit was never just about jobs.
Behind polite retrenchments and official optimism, families struggle with mortgages, savings shrink, and futures are put on hold.

Ministers insist our economy is “resilient.”
The public asks: resilient for whom?

In this follow-up to The Great Exit, KopiTalk with MHO uncovers what retrenchments really mean for Bruneians — and why the silence around them may cost more than money.

💬 “Brunei’s greatest risk is not losing its wealth — it is losing its will to move forward.”

👉 Read the full story here

By Malai Hassan Othman

The numbers seem fine, but the reality is tough. Beneath Brunei’s cheerful outlook, quiet job cuts are changing lives, family dynamics, and public trust - and the issues go way beyond just jobs.

Inside the Legislative Council (LegCo), it’s all about optimism. Officials brag about solid reserves, zero debt, and the goals for Wawasan 2035. “Brunei’s fundamentals are strong,” one minister said, pointing out that we can handle oil price changes. 

But outside those walls, things look different: early retirements, lost contracts, and shattered dreams show an economy that’s having a hard time adapting.

Oil still brings in over 80% of government income, but production keeps dropping. Contractors are talking about cancelled projects; engineers are quietly taking "voluntary" early retirement; fresh grads are dealing with months - or even years - of rejection letters. For families relying on these jobs, the impacts are serious: worries about mortgages, dwindling savings, and postponed dreams.

Public feelings are shifting, too. One worker put it simply: “Voluntary early retirement is just a nice way to say layoffs. Companies are letting go of higher-paid staff and not hiring anyone new. Those jobs are gone.” Another pointed out that fewer oil projects hit subcontractors hard, while smaller local businesses struggle with tight budgets and fewer opportunities.

Some voices are calling for change instead of just complaining. Ahmed Fadhil (not his real name), whose thoughts sparked this follow-up story, suggests boosting the Skim Persaraan Kebangsaan (SPK) safety net for laid-off workers: “Losing a job shouldn’t mean losing your dignity. Extending SPK support would help people bounce back, retrain, and get back to work instead of falling through the cracks.”

Others agree we need to be more proactive. Several professionals are pushing for government contracts and tax incentives to require local hiring. Some are suggesting temporary state-funded roles in tech, agri-tech, and logistics - creating 18 to 24-month positions to build skills while tackling urgent issues. “People aren’t unemployable; they’re underutilised,” one commenter said, urging Brunei to leverage its financial strength to shape its future economy instead of waiting for demand to magically show up.

LegCo records show BND 5–6 billion in annual government spending. Even a small shift - 10 to 15% towards creating impactful jobs - could change employment outcomes. Green infrastructure, AI-driven public services, tourism, and SME development are all part of the Wawasan 2035 plan, but we’re lagging on making it happen.

The stakes are getting higher. Brunei’s cushion of reserves gives us time, but it doesn’t guarantee safety. Oil doesn’t have to run out for issues to creep up; production just needs to drop enough to challenge the government’s ability to maintain subsidies, public hiring, and safety nets.

“Brunei’s real danger isn’t bankruptcy -  it’s being stuck,” one professional pointed out. “We’re not broke. We’re just not moving forward, and being stuck costs more than we realise.”

For now, job cuts are still quiet and mostly hidden. But behind closed doors and empty wallets, Bruneians are starting to ask tough questions about the nation’s readiness for what’s next - and whether staying silent is still an option.

Because in the end, Brunei’s biggest risk isn’t losing its wealth - it’s losing the drive to move ahead. (MHO/08/2025)

 

Work-Life Balance Was Promised in 2022. In 2025, It’s Still a Study.

Three years ago, Brunei said it would offer flexible hours, two-day weekends, and workplace childcare as part of the Mental Health Action Plan. Fast forward to now, and we’re still seeing burnout rates climb, families struggling with crazy schedules, and that promise just hanging out as “a study.” How much longer can we keep working on the old clock while expecting everyone to help reach Vision 2035?

By Malai Hassan Othman | KopiTalk with MHO

Brunei is looking into flexible working hours in the public sector and possibly changing the workweek. Ministers are starting to admit that the policy “has potential,” but it’s still stuck in committee reviews and service checks.

This was shared in the Legislative Council, where the Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office and Second Minister of Defence confirmed that they’re comparing practices with the private sector and overseas models, including insights from Singapore’s civil service. They’re also thinking about changing the current Monday–Thursday and Saturday schedule to find “a more suitable one.”

Brunei’s civil service hours are still tied to rules from over 60 years ago. The schedule, set back in the early 1960s, hasn’t changed much, even though life, work, and family dynamics have shifted a ton.

Officials point to the pandemic years as proof that smaller teams supported by tech can keep essential services running. But any changes now depend on the Public Service Transformation Committee and careful planning to make sure counters, clinics, and permits don’t come to a standstill.

For many families, the real question isn't whether flexibility is needed - it's that it's way overdue. Back in April, KopiTalk with MHO shared the stories of Aina, a civil servant and mom of two still working Saturdays, and Hamzah, a retail worker putting in over 50 hours on minimum wage. Their experiences show a country where long hours and low morale have become the norm.

Bruneians are putting in some of the longest hours in Southeast Asia. According to ILO data, Brunei averages 47 hours a week. For comparison, Malaysia averages 45 hours, the Philippines 43.2, and Indonesia 40.6. Singapore and Thailand are around 44–45 hours, while Vietnam is at 48. Cambodia leads ASEAN with over 49 hours a week. Even with its small population, Brunei ranks high in the region.

Parents are facing a tougher situation with the new full-day school system, where kids finish classes around 3 p.m. while office hours stretch to five. Without predictable flex times or “core hours,” families are left scrambling for childcare and racing against the clock every day.

Work-life balance was promised in the Mental Health Action Plan 2022–2025. It highlighted flexible hours, two-day weekends, and even childcare support. Three years later, things are still stalled while burnout stats keep climbing. The silence has been louder than the promises, and people are getting impatient.

A solid rollout would be easy: set up core hours for front-line services, try out compressed weeks in back offices, and publish KPIs - like queue times, call-centre response, and system uptime - to reassure everyone that efficiency won't take a hit.

The private sector is watching, too. Oil and gas companies have quietly adopted flexible practices and remote work, but most SMEs are still stuck with six-day schedules and blurred lines between work and rest. Government leadership could set a national example and help break the cycle of fatigue.

For families, real relief would mean two uninterrupted days off, school hours that align with work hours, and workplaces that treat people like humans—not machines. For the state, it would mean healthier, more productive citizens who can actually help carry Vision 2035.

The government says flexi hours “have potential.” But the people, feeling the strain day in and day out, have a sharper question: if not now, when? (MHO/08/2025)